BEFORE THE FIRST DEGREE PROSECUTOR OF ATHENS
AND
ALL PERTINENT AUTHORITIES
LAW SUIT ON THE GROUNDS OF HIGH TREASON
of Olga Yeritsidou of George, Educational Psychologist, residing at 29 Elpidos
Street, Neon Iraklion, 141-21Athens, Greece.
AGAINST
1. George Papandreou of Andreou, Prime-Minister
2. The Government headed by George Papanadreou, consisting of thefollowing persons:
1. Theodoros Pangalos, Deputy Prime-president
2. Ioannis Rangousis, Minister of Interior, Decentralization and
Electronic Government
3. George Papakonstantinou, Minister of Finances,
4. Demetrios Droutsas, Minister of Exterior
5. Mariliza Xenogiannakopoulou, Deputy Minister of Exterior responsible
for European Union issues
6. Evangelos Venizelos, Minister of National Defense,
7. Michalis Chrysochoides, Minister of Regional Development and
8. Tina Birbilis, Minister of Environment, Energy and Climatic Change
9. Anna Diamantopoulou, Minister of Education, Continuing Education and
Religion.
10. Demetriow Reppas, Minister of Infrastructures, Transport and
Networks.
11. Louka Katselis, Minister of Work and Social Security
12. Andreas Loberdos, Minister of Health and Social Solidarity
13. Kostas Skandalides, Minister of Agricultural Development and Foods
14. Harry Kastanidis, Minister of Justice, Transparency and Human Rights
15. Christos Papoutsis, Minister of the Protection of the Citizen
16. Pavlos Geroulanos, Minister of Culture and Tourism
17. Demetris Diamantidis, Minister of Marine Affairs, Islands and Fishing
18. Harry Baboukis, Minister of the State and Investments
19. George Petalotis, Assistant Minister of Press and Government
Spokesman
* Every other morally responsible and abettor as may ensue and be proven
in due process
In accordance with the stipulations of the Constitution of Greece (article 111,
par. 1C, 120 par., 2,3,4C) in our capacity as Greek Citizens, we are under the
obligation to be alert and defend at all times the enforcement of the
Constitution and the commitment-adherence of every officer, functionary and
official of the Greek State to such Constitution, because it is clearly and
unequivocally stipulated that such Constitution is based on the Greek Citizens
and that it is from them that the said Constitution draws its power.
On the basis of the above stipulation and the Law, and because of my apparent
legal right and vested interest, Right and Obligation to contribute to the
enforcement of the hyper-legal nature of our Constitution (besides, as a
fully-righted Citizen, I exercise my Right and Obligation to report any
transgression regarding automatically prosecutable acts, according to the Penal
Code), from the moment that it came to my knowledge that crimes against the
State, treason against the Country and threat against the free exercise of
Political Rights and Public Order, have been and still are taking place, I
expended every means and calls to pertinent authorities and petitioned to those
already under oath on the Constitution to honor and uphold it, to inform them on
the current state of affairs AS WELL AS ON WHERE THE GREEK PEOPLE WERE LED TO IF
THE SAID STATE OF AFFAIRS WERE PERMITTED TO CONTINUE.
In particular, via civil process server Mr G.K.Kokkalis, I officially informed
by means of my 26/6/2008 out-of-court DECLARATION-COMPLAINT-PETITION to the then
Prime-minister (serving receipt B-3053) as well as to the President of Democracy
Mr K. Papoulias (serving receipt B-305..) regarding six (6) points which set our
State in jeopardy and into a state of uncontrolled dependence as concerned the
State security management, the complete inactivity and inertia characterizing
our Democratic Regime, the effective repeal of essential Principles,
Institutions and Protections of the State and of course the lifting of the
Popular Rule (evidence 1 and 2). In this text, there was clear description of
the syndrome of failure in central state sectors, together with clear direction
to the pertinent articles of the Constitution that were under encroachment, were
not applied and were the main cause for the state of inertia and inaction of our
Regime, as well as the silent lifting of the Constitutional protection and
guarantees for the benefit of the Greek Citizens.
Since both the Government in its entirety (and the Prime-minister in particular)
and the President of Democracy comprise special State functionaries who are
obliged to abide by the law AS WELL AS supervise the enforcement of the laws of
Justice by the Public Administration and the functions of the State Services
(article 82 C, PD Dagtoglou p. 240, P. Spiliotopoulos, Textbook on
Administrative Law, 1991, p. 260), as is also the duty of the Parliament under
its capacity as penal prosecuting body for the Government elected officials
(article 86 C), were under the obligation, based on by petition and served
letter of complaint and article 36 C to take action and investigate accusations
of such magnitude and danger. At this point I should also mention that the same
document was also served to the President of the Parliament (evidence 3) who
forwarded it to the pertinent ministries, so that they will get informed and act
accordingly (evidence 4). These acts of course never took place, and neither was
pressure exercised by the President of the Parliament on the pertinent Ministers
to proceed. On the contrary, a second serving on my behalf simply had the effect
of another useless forwarding to the pertinent Ministries (evidence 5 and 6).
At this point I must stress that my DECLARATION-COMPLAINT-PETITION was also a
clear warning and prediction of the apparent to all debasement of the Greek
State which led to the undeniable symptoms we all live through today (that is,
the financial failure, the highest deficit, the inability of the Greeks to cover
their basic daily livelihood needs and in any case the extermination of the
Greek Society by the effective lifting of every Human, State-protected and
Individual Right). In other words, at least after June 2008, the aforementioned
parties had received advanced warning regarding the situation we all live
through currently in 2011 (see p. 3 of my DECLARATION-COMPLAINT-PETITION,
evidence 1-3, where the coming serfdom and gradual subjugation of the Greeks is
warned against, at point 2, par. B, but also p. 4, regarding the fact that as
Citizens we are being led to internal strife, point 2, par. C).
Clearly, not only did I not receive any answer in response (even an attempt to
acquiesce my fears telling me that someone will look into the matter) as I have
stated under oath in a related case of mine against the Prime-minister on the
18th of September 2008, the appointed representative of the Prime-minister, Ms
Roumbesis, via her own representative Ms Exindari, informed me officially that
the Prime-Minister had empowered both of them to answer me that he did not
intend to proceed in any action regarding the encroachment of the Constitution
by his Government, on which encroachment he was fully aware of, and that he
intended to continue, just as I described, and adding that I, as a Citizen,
should act as I deemed fit.
Of course I proceeded with the proper course of action that the law prescribes
in such cases and as we all know in a short while there were premature elections
announced, since the extremely toxic for our society consequences had already
begun to be felt by the totality of the Greek people.
The then leader of the Opposition and running for office Mr G.A.Papandreou
appeared as totally pro-people and popular politician, indeed socialist, who
presented his party platform wherein he prescribed strengthening of the incomes
of the Greeks, strengthening of the Greek economy, repossession and
re-nationalization of the criminally suspect, illicitly non-transparent state
enterprise privatization takeovers, clear state administrative control of the
critical State infrastructures (such as the Piraeus harbour) and totally
constitutionally-adherent taxation policy following a strict proportionality and
driving equitability (indicatively but not restrictively, see evidence 7). The
sum total of all these proclamations and pre-election promises was epitomized in
the notorious motto ‘Citizen First’ while he himself made it known everywhere
that he was well aware of the illicitly amassed wealth of Greece in the hands of
the few, regarding whom, he was asking the mandate of the People to apply the
law so that this wealth would be redistributed fairly across the Greek People, a
political position which was also epitomized by the equally notorious motto
‘there are enough funds to go round’.
Since I foresaw that the above mentioned candidate was being extremely populist
setting the Greek People before a dilemma (such as ‘socialism or barbarity’)
without however getting into the trouble to explain what strategic and
particularly, legislative steps, he intended to take so as to ensure and
guarantee flawless application of this protective measures for the average Greek
Citizen he was boasting about, and because I had Right and Obligation as Voter
and potentially the source of his political mandate, to be clearly informed of
his technical steps, suggested guarantees and viability and legality of his
proposed governmental programmatic platform, I sent him a registered letter
(evidence 8) at his political party headquarters, as well as to all other
political parties with viable changes of entering the Parliament in the
forthcoming elections, calling upon their leaders to make their stances on the
matter explicitly known to me in writing (evidence 9, 10, 11).
In my appeal, I was asking the leader of the PASOK party to answer to my 6-point
DECLARATION-COMPLAINT-PETITION (evidence 1-3) which I had also sent attached,
and I also was requesting from him to inform me on his intended methodology
regarding the successful completion of his set policy targets, which he was only
very generally making reference to in his personal blog on the web. I was also
making it absolutely clear to him why I was writing and addressing that
particular letter to him, as well as noting his up to then behaviour as leader
of the Opposition, as well as of his prior political career, which showed, in my
view, clear worrying signs of anti-constitutional behaviour and encroachment of
the Oath taken before the Greek People. I also made it known to him that I was
asking for information on and response to my set queries so that Ιcould vote
freely and consciously AND I ALSO MADE TO HIM CLEAR THE DEFINITION OF FRAUD
ACCORDING TO ARTICLE 27 OF THE PENAL CODE IN CASE OF NEGLIGENCE AND DISREGARD OF
HIS PRE-ELECTION COMMITMENTS FOR ANY REASON.
Clearly, and because I had pre-informed him that this letter of mine and his
response to it were to be published for the knowledge of the Greek People, so
that all candidates could enjoy real and clear mandate if they so deserved and
the people so decreed during election time, the then running for
prime-minister’s office G.A.Papandreou did not answer either before or after the
elections, and neither did all the other leaders who received the Appeal. Given
the blatant and vulgar breach of his pre-election commitments on the basis of
which he received the Popular Mandate in the elections of October 4, 2009
(indicatively and not restrictively, see evidence 12, 13) as was made apparent
in the aftermath of the elections and it is still being proven by his actions as
Prime-minister, his undiluted populist generalities and his terror-inciting
mottos (in fact passing the message to the Citizens ‘either me or face
barbarity’, ‘either we change or we go under’, in other words, ‘it’s either me
or the chaos’) (indicatively and not restrictively, see evidence 14 and 15), his
refusal to respond to these queries constitutes transgreesion of article 164 of
the Penal Code on deceit of electoral body in addition to other associated
crimes.
Despite all these and because I am a good-willed person I have exhausted the
limits of good will, and instead of my refusing to give him another chance to
prove that he is not a usurper of Power and Popular Mandate, and after carefully
reading and listening to all his proclaimed commitments as prime-minister elect,
I sent him a second registered letter (evidence 16), asking him to inform us,
now, on the ways he intended to serve the Citizen, and to make matters easier
for him, I presented him with my personal case as a Greek Citizen and the extent
to which I have fallen victim of the various state policies and practices, as a
very representative case of the average Citizen, and also because I wanted to
anchor my claim to legal rights so that he be forced to respond. I also
responded to his call (a call which of course was later proven to be completely
untrue) for me to offer my scientific expertise in the government without ever
asking any remuneration in return, except the Equality and Proportionality that
I was entitled to. Again, I received no response to my repeated calls, nor to my
offers (which by the way would incur no cost to the State). So, exhausting every
possible limit, I send him yet another letter, stating a clear reminder that he
is under the obligation to respond under Constitutional Law (evidence 17). Since
I received no response from him even then, I was forced to apply for a court
injunction on the 28th of may 2010, petitioning to the Court for help so that I
could be responded to at last, and the legal binding and commitment that would
accrue from this response (evidence 18).
To my great surprise the Prime-minister was present during the hearing of the
injunction and via his appointed attorney and President of the State Legislative
Council, Ms Panagiota Daskalea – Asimakopoulou, stated before the judge the
prime-minister’s free-willed and conscious choice as well as justification that,
according to him, legitimizes him to act as a literally tyrannical and above
control supreme lord of a state that he apparently considers to be of
non-constitutional monarchy and not of constitutional democracy (evidence 19).
In particular, he arbitrarily characterizes and in complete lack of any support
and legislative substantiation his decision not to respond to my appeals, as
‘governmental acts’ (!). In other words, the Prime-Minister self-appointedly set
himself over and above any judicial process or factual or formal obligation (let
alone moral, to serve the Citizen) to respond to my appeal as a Citizen and
issuer of his Mandate to govern and attempted to justify the said choices of
his, and seek a position above the law and beyond its control. In indeed he
reaches the point of labelling my appeals as said above during his intense and
with great attention effort of his insistence to refuse responding to the
queries that concern me but which also concern a general confirmation in the
eyes of the Citizens, as regards the level of the constitutionality of his
actions.
In particular, and so that we can demonstrate the extent of his hopeless efforts
to avoid being forced to respond, he included mention of his stipulated
obligation that he should respond, in accordance to article 10 and 20 C by means
of actions, such as a decree to disband the Parliament, and proclamation of
elections, proclamation of a Referendum, acceptance of the resignation of
minister or of government or of a mandate to form a government as well as
exercise of legislative initiatives on the part of the organs of the executive
power, the only kind of acts that the Supreme Court has accepted the definition
of ‘governmental’ (indicatively Supereme Court decisions 1398/2000, 2468/1968,
1631/1975, 347/1937 ).
Also, on the special issue of a Right to Report, on the basis of article 20,
par. 1 of the Constitution, which secures for the person under state
administration a route of judicial protection, even in the case when the use of
the printed help booklet on the petition for cancellation is not possible, and
on the basis of article 4, par. 1 C which established the principle of Equality,
in any case the Right to Report and be responded to concerning the said right
cannot constitute the subject matter / or form part of the definition of the
governmental acts. Besides, and something that GAP obviously is aware of, is the
fact that the whole meaning of governmental acts from whomever means to uphold
the Constitution and respect it, loses completely its meaning since the
Constitution currently in effect stipulates that the formulation and setup of
the generalgovernmental polity, which is the most significant part of
governmental jurisdiction has to be exercised in accordance with the
stipulations of the Constitution and of the laws, something that the Judge, via
her No 252/2011 M.Prot of Athens has effectively accepted, characterizing the
refusal on the part of the prime-minister as ‘executable administrative act,
which creates the grounds for cancellation-incurring administrative difference
which can be appealed at the Supreme Court’ (see evidence 20, p. 5).
Also, it is of some import that in order to avoid responding to me, the
prime-minister made use of one of the most historically effective tools of
encroachment on actual Rights incurring from a State of Justice, of the
Constitution, and in general of Democracy, particularly during dictatorships
(for example, applying suppressive measures against Amalia Fleming in 1974 by
the Colonel’s Junta, which was also characterised as ‘governmental act’ and thus
immune from any judicial check and control, or in Metaxas’ dictatorship where as
‘governmental act’ was their decision to disband Municipal Councils). In other
words, arbitrarily and completely lacking judicial support or even theoretical
legal thinking (since everyone agrees that in vase of doubt – in dubio – it
has to be accepted that such act should not be labelled as ‘governmental’) the
Prime-Minister prefers, rather than be forced to answer to a series of
questions, to make use of a well-known vehicle that bypasses Democratic and
Justice-securing Institutions.
Unfortunately, apart from the fact that his refusal to supply corroborating
evidence constitutes silent admission of guilt and fraud (article 174, par. 4
KDD), one way or the other, the Prime-minister’s acts as well as the acts of his
Government including those of his party provide additional proof of their full
intent to continuous committal of crimes of High Treason, which in fact, and
based on the statements given by the prime-minister himself as well as those of
his ministers, he means to continue to commit at least up until the end of his
four-year period that he literally usurped running under a false pre-election
campaign and systematic subsequent refusal to receive a New Mandate, before he
has the chance to complete this totally different governmental programme and
which is apparently ANTI-HUMANITARIAN, ANTI-CONSTITUTIONAL AND SERIOUSLY
DAMAGING EVEN FOR THE VERY DEFINITION AND CONCEPT OF NATIONAL SOVEREIGNTY AND OF
STATE AUTHORITY.
In particular, and according to article 134, par. 2, cit. a, of the Penal Code,
he or she who under false pretences as to his or her capacity as State elected
officer, attempts to render the popular supported Democratic Regime or
fundamental institutions thereof inert or ineffective permanently or temporarily
is committing High Treason.
Also, article 134a of the penal Code stipulates which these fundamental
principles and institutions of the Regime are, based on which the parliamentary
system of government is defined (cit c), the principle of the division of powers
as stipulated in the Constitution (cit. e) , the principle of having the
legislative body bound by the Constitution and of the executive and legislative
powers by the Constitution and the laws (cit. f.) and in particular of the
general effective application of Individual Rights stipulated by the
Constitution (cit. h.).
According to article 82, par. 2 of the Constitution, but also on the basis of
legal precedent (for example, 252/2011 MProtAth) the Prime0Minister is defined
as a special single-bodied entity of the State who secures the unity of the
Government and directs its acts as well as those of the Public Bodies and
Services for the purpose of applying government policy within the limits of the
law. Apart from those jurisdictions, the prime-minister is the one setting
governmental policy within the limits set by the decisions of the Caucus,
coordinates the enforcement of the government policy and supervises the
enforcement of the regulations of Justice by the Public Administration and the
State Services.
As we have referred to above, the said Prime-minister received the Popular
Mandate in 2009 to protect work rights, the public health system, the incomes of
the Greeks so that they would be in a position to live over the poverty level
and maintain a modicum of capacity to progress and develop, as well as of course
proceed with a proportional and just redistribution of wealth, always in
accordance with the Constitution. In addition he also committed himself to the
strengthening of pensions and in general of the Welfare State and gave
guarantees that he was capable and willing to proceed with such expenditures to
meet these ends without incurring further debt and deficit to the People or need
for additional loans (‘there are enough funds to go round’, ‘let those who have
foot the bill’) (evidence 7, 12, 13, 14, 21).
Also unequivocally during his interviews, he had committed himself to not asking
for IMF intervention as this would have been catastrophic in every case, both
for the social fabric of the country as well as for the humanitarian /
justice-ensuring character of the State, indeed in a very dramatic tone
(indicatively but not restrictively, evidence 22).
In every such stance the Prime-Minister is proven, on the basis of unshakable
evidence, recorded in all forms of documentation of actual fact, as blatantly
and fraudulently lying, as well as consciously deceiving during both his
pre-election campaign as well as during the first months after his election, the
Greek People. The fact that he was deceiving People (in other wards, he was
knowingly lying to them) is proven as much by admittances in the press by his
comrades, associates, councillors and state officials who had admitted they had
warned / informed him about the tragic state of the economy of Greece before he
took office (evidence 21, 23, 24) as by foreign officials, who in fact reported
that the Prime-minister had in fact pre-planned and pre-arranged the breech of
his pre-election commitments in cold blood (evidence 25 and 26). Besides, a
objective observer who pays careful attention to the candidates’ pre-election
platforms and campaigns in general and then in retrospectexamines them knowing
what happened in the meantime, he can easily deduce that the Prime-minister was
cognizant of the real economic and financial situation of Greece, as seen by his
insistence on asking the Prime-minister K. Karamanlis, who was stepping down, if
the economic and financial data presented by the outgoing government were exact
and reliable (evidence 27), stressing particularly the fact, that despite his
suspicions, he had, allegedly counted those data in all these data that he later
claimed he clearly disputed.
But in any case, the current Prime-Minister had promised that whichever
situation he had to face in terms of finances and state deficits, he was not
going to increase the burden of the Greek Citizens, and indeed the weakest
social classes, with any austerity measures, as he admitted on camera the
ex-PASOK MP and now independent MP Ms Sakorafa (evidence 28), who, in fact,
stated that there has been pre-planning and fabrication so that the Country
could be led to the Memorandum.
So, and given not only of the official acts of the Prime-minister and those of
his Government, but also the excuses and justifications he put forward (the
alleged danger of default and his surprised acknowledgement of the allegedly
real data), and solely on the basis of the above undeniable facts, it is legally
established that the prime-minister had usurped his capacity as an organ of the
State.
But it is not just those pieces of evidence that speak about his usurpation, but
many, ranging from the hyperpowers he has given to other organs of Government,
such as these he has invested the Minister of Economy with, de-investing in such
manner the Parliament from its Right to exercise legislative duties (due to the
Right of the Minister to undersign contracts and enforce measures without prior
ratification and approval of such contracts by the Parliament) to his own
statements on enforcement of policy which is irreconcilable with his being a
self-proclaimed socialist party and with his allegiance and obedience to foreign
centres to whom no allegiance is owed according to the Constitution if such
allegiance function at the expense of the Sovereign Greek People, from whom he
draws his legitimacy and power, in his case criminally by usurpation.
Besides, MPs themselves have many times expressed concern that the Parliament
itself has become decorative having no powers to exercise its legislative duties
in accordance with article 26, par. 1 C. Additionally, the provisions of article
28 C have not been implemented or have been implemented falsely, particularly in
the case of enablement of signing loan contracts brought upon by the Memorandum
and the pertinent law that ratifies this agreement of cooperation in principle
with other states but also with the international organization World Monetary
Fund, since this law was passed after having being voted not by 180 members of
parliament (MPs) as the Constitution demanded, but by 167 (evidence 29 and 30).
Not even restricting himself to only these encroachments of the law and the
Constitution, as I shall show later on, the present Prime-Minister usurping his
capacity as organ of the State, not only obstructs the Parliament from
exercising its legislative duty but has also rendered our Political Regime
completely inactive, in accordance with article 134 a of the Penal Code:
In particular and at the level of foreign policy, right after his election, he
(as well as other members of his Government) started visiting every foreign mass
media station giving interviews in which he berated and ridiculed Greece and the
Greek State calling it ‘corrupt’ and ‘untrustworthy’ and in this way slandering
the Greek People themselves as persons / or as a population or lazy, usurious
and corrupt criminals and rascals, hence permitting the initiation of all kinds
of anti-Greek foreign relations and policies and turbulence in our relationships
with our allies and partners in Europe and elsewhere, causing the heaviest of
countermeasures seen in the soaring of spreads and our practical exclusion from
international markets, which in itself constitutes encroachment of article 141
of the Penal Code. Besides, the anti-Greek reverie of the German magazine Focus
(evidence 31) as well as other anti-Greek editorials and articles in foreign
newspapers of wide circulation (as, for example, in BILD, NEW YORK TIMES, THE
INDEPENDENT, LE FIGARO, EL PAIS, THE GUARDIAN, etc) (evidence 32 and 33) compose
the most unshakable piece of evidence substantiating the above accusations,
while the hostility which has been sown between ourselves and other European
Peoples, such as the Germans, tells of the terrible danger of international and
inter-state strife at our expense, that the present Prime-Minister with so much
attention had been cultivating. Also, statements to the press by Minister of
Economy Mr G. Papakonstantinou regarding the liking of Greek Economy to the
‘Titanic’ has also resulted in heavy-handed reaction, the degrading of Greek
economy by various rating firms, which, as is well-known control the increase
and decrease of spreads (evidence 34).
This barrage against the Greeks and the Greek People attacking our National
pride and substance and causing the relentless ridicule and offence that the
present Prime-Minister has supported, due to its being allegedly fair play on
account of a surrounding economic and financial situation (which, at that time,
WAS NOT the worst in Europe, and in no way constituted grounds for a national
ridicule of such magnitude), instead of defending not only the Greek pride but
also protect the Greek economy from the heaviest of consequences, which was
primarily caused by the utterly mistaken communicative foreign policy which was
supervised by him, and which, to the contrary, blackmailed and terrorized us so
that he could furnish his invitation to the WMF and the support mechanism that
followed, as the only viable solution to the Greeks, WHICH WAS A CLAIM THAT MANY
ANAYSTS BUT ALSO THE INTERNATIONAL LAW RPOVE AS FALSE AND FRAUDULENT POPULISM on
the part of the Prime-Minister and his Government.
In particular, with a simple reading of the Memorandum we have an admittance on
the part of the Prime-Minister and his Government that they accept actual and
legally-binding SUBJUGATION UNDER FOREIGN ORGANIZATIONS AND STATES (evidence 39
and 41) DECLARING AN IRREVOCABLE SURRENDER AND DE-INVESTMENT OF THE RIGHT TO
DEFEND AND PROTECT GREECE AND THE GREEK PEOPLE AGAINST THE CREDITORS, EVEN IF
THIS MEANS TERRITORIAL LOSS IN THE GREEK TERRITORY OR COMPLETE LOSS OF ALL STATE
INFRASTRUCTURES, INCLUDING THE RIGHT TO DEFEND OURSELVES IN WAR, SINCE THEY HAVE
SURRENDERED EVEN THE SUM TOTAL OF OUR WEAPONS SYSTEMS, IN CASE OF FINANCIAL
INCAPACITY TO UPHOLD TO TERMS OF MEMORANDUM AND RESPOND TO STRICTEST OF
REPAYMENT DEADLINES.
In other words, the current Prime-minister has irreparably exposed the Greek
State and the Greeks at every level, divesting from them every concept of an
Independent and Sovereign State, in fact supporting in this manner the war
effort of every possible adversary, embezzling in any case even this, virtually
usurped, power vested in him by the Greek State (encroachment of articles 135,
138, 139, 144, 146, 151 of the Penal Code)(evidence 35). By also permitting
transfer of the capacity of debtor to third parties from out present debtors, he
in fact has ceded Greek territory and prepared the ground for an occupation of
Greece by third parties at every moment and in a financial manner. Also, by
accepting to disallow any help to us by third parties he has in fact rendered
disengagement of Greece from the Memorandum impossible and complete and
permanent loss of National Sovereignty. (evidence 36, 37 and 41).
Besides, as he himself as well as the Minister of Economy admit (evidence 38) in
their stated predictions that the Greek economy shall not be able to recover (so
as to repay the loan) and so, given that they have offered no commitment or
guarantees of disengagement on the issue, it is mathematically certain that it
is in their knowledge that the clauses they have undersigned will be activated
in the present contract without any Constitutional ratification (evidence 39 and
41).
On the issue of internal policy, the present Prime-Minister exhibits very
provocative protectionism in favour of the banks, totally anti-constitutionally
(given than he has created an unequal state of favouritism at the expense of the
Greek economy, thus inflicting destitute and financial stagnation to all
business classes except those of the banks and of the enterprises affiliated
with these banks) while at the same time repeals security provisions stipulated
by the Constitution (indicatively articles 4, par. 5, 5, par 1, 21 par. 2, 3, 4,
5, 6, 22 par. 1, 2, 24 par. 2 and most of all, article 25) as regards the living
conditions and the quality o life of the Citizens (evidence 39 and 41).
Indicatively and not restrictively we refer to the following examples drawn from
the internal policy in the sector of the economy, the continuous increase of
indirect taxation (which are anti-constitutional because they are inelastic and
non-proportional) (evidence 21 and 41) together with the analogous cuts in pay
and pensions and the increase of direct taxation, dealing the overwhelming
majority of the Greek population to personal default and bankruptcy and
degradation below the poverty line. This is immediately verifiable by the
countless published articles which substantiate their claims on research
evidence but also on State-furnished data regarding the fact that an increasing
number of Greeks lack even access to vital resources and goods, such as power,
heating, accommodation and foodstuffs (evidence 40). This literally exhaustive
disarray of the Greek economy and actual and increasing impoverishment to the
point of endangering the physical survival of the Greeks, is being cultivated in
full cognizance, and in according with his own statements regarding the
Memorandum, whereby the declares that he is ready, without any reaction or
opposition or attempt to uphold Human Rights or the Constitution, to proceed to
whatever extra austerity measure he is asked to enforce no matter how hard and
intolerable that measure will be for the Greek People to augment and safeguard
not benefit to the Nation or the State, but to the foreign debtors and the local
and foreign bank establishment solely (evidence 39 and 41).
At this point we ought to refer to the fact that as much the Prime-Minister
himself (e.g., the Prime-Minister’s interview in ‘Kyriakatiki Eleftherotypia’ on
the 12/7/2010 where he stated that ‘it is not apparent why our Constitution
should set a barrir to something very logical, and something which is in effect
in many other countries’ (!)) as members of the his Government like the Minister
of Defense Mr E.Venizelos (evidence 42) who have clearly stated that our
Constitution should come second or third before directives from abroad or
demands of the debtors (evidence 43), a fact that constitutes encroachment of
articles 134, 134a, 135 of the penal Code.
However, in no case is he legitimately empowered to enforce such financially
destructive to the average Greek Citizen policy (evidence 39 and 41) for two
legally unshakable and non-rejectable reasons:
At first, lifting of Human Rights (in this case, the protection and security
provisions in articles 4, par 1, 5, par 1, 8 par 2 17 ESDA but also 7, 8, 9, 24
par 1 and 26 DSAPD) because exceptions from the provisions of the law due to
emergency that he claims should take effect in accordance with the article 15 of
ASDA and should be applied equally to all the population and proportionally
without exception (evidence 41) for a very specific time period and not
indefinitely, while it is clearly stipulated in article 18 of ESDA that in no
way should restrictions of Rights and Liberties already in effect should be
imposed but only for the purposes for which they were imposed in the first
place, which in no case is the securing of profits for the banks or the
satisfaction of whoever debtors (evidence 39), while in accordance with article
17 of ESDA, it is expressly forbidden whatever claim to rights (for example,
increase of profits) (evidence 39) so that acts be implemented or become
executable for activities aiming at the destruction of Rights and Liberties
provided by ESDA (evidence 41). In addition, according to article 25, par 1 and
2 of the Constitution, ‘all state organs are obliged to secure unrestricted
access of Human Rights both individually and as members of society and of the
principle of welfare State of Justice which function under the guarantee of the
State’. The Prime-Minister, according to article 82, par. 2 C is a special
entity of the State and as such he is under the unalienable irrevocable
obligation to uphold the above-mentioned Rights, while rendering of these
fundamental principles and institutions inactive constitutes incontestable act
of High Treason. To furnish proof that a very significant percentage of Greeks
is forced to live under siege of their Human Rights because of the
Prime-Minister’s policies, as described above, I refer a multitude of published
articles and studies (evidence 41) examining the horrible and unacceptable
living conditions pushing Greeks to rummage garbage (evidence 45) or resort to
commons or commit suicide (evidence 46 and 47) as well as my case whereby I am
being pushed to a level of living very close to the poverty line, without being
my fault (evidence 44).
Particularly on the target and motive that the Prime-Minister himself sets in
the Memorandum, e.g., the absolute protection of profits of the banks (evidence
39) and not the issue of the survival of the Greek economy (evidence 41), but
simply his own arbitrary decision to transform the Greek economy so that its
totality to subsidize permanently the bank system and the debtors to the expense
of every possibility of development and improvement of the quality of life, is
automatically default of ALL DEFINITIONS OF LOCAL OR INTERNATIONAL JUSTICE.
In addition, the Prime-Minister is in no case legitimized neither can he claim
that he acts as he does, inflicting mortal damage to the Greek economy and the
Greek social nexus and State of Justice (evidence 41) to avert a default (which
he claims, without any evidence, that such default would have brought on worse
consequences that the ones resulting from the austerity measures that he
himself has enforced on the Greek People to serve foreign investors and debtors)
BECAUSE THE UN INTERNATIONAL LAW COMMITTEE CLEARLY THAT WHEN REPAYMENT OF DEBT
ENFORCES SACRIFICES ON THE PART OF THE CITIZENRY GREATER THAN THE LOGICAL ONES,
INFLUENCING NEGATIVELY THE FUNDAMENTAL OBLIGATIONS OF THE STATE TOWARDS ITS
CITIZENS, THEN THE STATE CAN LEGALLY PROCEED WITH THE ERASURE OF THE DEBT.
EDD in particular has stated that ‘we cannot expect a State to close its
schools, its universities and its court houses, to disband its public service
and render its society to chaos and anarchy so that to simply save enough to pay
off its local or foreign debtors. There is a limit to what we can expect from a
State to pay just as there is for an individual’ (EDD, 1980, pp. 164-167).
Besides all the legal specialists who met at Kito in 2008 were in full support
of the sovereign State’s legally-anchored resolutions that claimed that illegal
and illicitly used means to pay off deficits including defaulting and public
service payments stops are cancellable as illegal (evidence 48).
In any case the Prime-minister’s claim that there was no other way available to
avoid defaulting and therefore enforce today’s situation on the Country cannot
be accepted as the situation has been the result of blatant encroachment on the
Constitution and International Law. If he really was prepared to honour the Oath
and Office he took, he could still have protected the Greek economy from the
consequences of defaulting and the demands of the debtors EVEN AVOIDING
DECLARING DEFAULT. A change in internal policy so that the terrorizingly high
interest rates and bank financing as well as capital investments would not be
expended on paying off interest to the debtors would give real economy a chance
to bounce via healthy production and services, just as economist Kazakos
suggests in his analysis (evidence 37).
Thus, being in full cognizance and with unprecedented lack of empathy before a
whole People who is being massively impoverished and divested of its right for
Self-Determination and Freedom and Democracy including all Human Rights, as has
already been shown and proven, I will also show that the current Prime-minister
and his Government are committing High Treason according to article 134 par. 2
of the of the Penal Code and according to the definitions of article 134a.
Besides, as the Minister of Economy himself has admitted in his statements in To
Vima daily on 20/03/2011 (evidence 49) the alignment programme which would
allegedly ameliorate the Greek economy, and which, according to the
Prime-minister’s older statements (evidence 38) would secure economic security
and strengthen Greek economy since its implementation, is precisely the main
reason of the huge degrading of Greek economy and the main reason behind his
efforts to appropriate National property for 50 billion euro. In other words,
had he not implemented the said alignment programme, there would not have been
any reason to appropriate national assets.
Given that he had already signed a commitment to this appropriation (evidence
39) before he even tried to implement any programme, for which he now blames the
press, we see there was a pre-meditated target to appropriate invaluable
National assets, regardless of any financial issue, guaranteeing a very low
comparatively price to the foreign appropriators. This however
constitutespre-meditation and entrapment of Greece and of Greek People with the
aim to cause a particular effect, that is the sell-out of Greek property to
third parties, literally for a plate of lentils, which in itself constitutes
encroachment of article 134 of the Penal Code, because the Government is shown
not to provide the essential guarantees and provisions of the Constitution
(indicatively articles 18 and 22 C).
Indeed, during the same interview (evidence 48) the Minister reaches the point
of stating that even if the deficit of the Country is declared illegal, he will
still force the People to pay in disregard of every International and Local Law
(!). This constitutes written admittance that neither the Minister nor the
Prime-minister or his Government in general are there to serve the interests of
the Country as the Law mandates but the interests of unknown third parties and
legal entities who very well could have been their own relatives or be directly
involved (in the case of legal entity), which could explain why they are so much
bent on serving the third party interests against the interests of the Greek
People which they had sworn to serve and uphold. However, this also constitutes
admission of their guilt as regards the charge of High Treason which they
shamelessly continue committing and which had been premeditated long before they
came to power, by means of the above analyzed fraudulent deception of the
electoral body.
This explains the ease of divesting themselves in the name of the Country of
essential protective provisions against the debtors, via a blatantly illegal
document which in fact introduces internationally the meaning of bloodless war
conflict and actual occupation of a sovereign State by another / or even by
private parties, ENCROACHING IN ANY CASE ONE OF THE MOST BASIC PRECONDITIONS FOR
A COUNTRY TO REMAIN IN THE EUROPEAN UNION: ARTICLE 49 OF THE EU CONVENTION AND
ARTICLE 6 OF THE MAASTRICHT CONVENTION, AS WELL AS PAR. 3 ARTICLE 6 OF EU
CONVENTION, WHEREBY IT IS STATED THAT THE EUROPEAN UNION HAS MEMBERS FUNCTIONING
ONLY UNDER DEMOCRATIC REGIMES AND WHICH ARE SOVEREIGN AND ARE ABLE TO AFFORD AND
PROVIDE COMPLETE PROTECTION AND RESPECT TO HUMAN RIGHTS and in particular, as it
is stated in the Rome Convention (4/11/1950) and the Summit Meeting of Nice
(7/12/2000). IN OTHER WORDS, THE PRIME-MINISTER AND HIS GOVERNMENT ARE IN
COLLUSION TO DEFAULT GREECE FROM THE EUROPEAN UNION AS A COUNTRY LACKING
DEMOCRATIC SOVEREIGNTY PRECISELY BECAUSE OF IMF’S INTERFERENCE AND INVOLVEMENT
IN THE COUNTRY’S LEGISLATIVE WORK.
Beyond the opprobrium associated with such a possibility, and given FYROM’s
appeal to the Hague International Tribunal regarding Greece’s veto on the former
state’s incorporation to NATO and most likely to the EU later on, it is clear
that there is a potentially explosive foreign policy issue whereby Greece will
find itself in a particularly difficult position in the diplomatic struggle that
might ensue as well as in the diplomatic struggles with FYROM and Turkey as all
other countries dreaming of mounting claims against us.
In other words, via only the undersigning of the Government and of the governing
party (not even of the increased majority vote, let alone this of a Referendum),
the instant and completely illegitimate return of the Greek State to the times
of Bavarian constitutional regencies under Otto, with the Troika playing the
role of regents and G.A.Papandreou playing the role of the adolescent monarch.
This constitutes the most cruel of High Treason crimes before not only the
living Greeks but also against every fallen one, known and unknown, giving their
life and blood for the National Independence and Freedom of Greece.
Also, and as have been undeniably expressed and corroborated many times over in
the international and national press, G.A.Papandreou’s Government, under the
Prime-minister’s undeniable supervision, are systematically bent on suppressing
and gagging of every popular reaction and complaint which occurs via democratic
routes in accordance with the guarantees provided by the Constitution (article
23 C). In particular, and beyond the ongoing defamation of every demonstration
(which demonstration takes place in full accordance with the Constitutional
provisions) and through which this Government attempts to cause strife among
sectors of the Greek People and destroy social network and cohesion
(encroachment of article 190 of the Penal Code), under Government directives and
supervision, the anti-riot police use chemicals as a means to suppress activity,
chemicals which have been marked as blatant trespassing of Human Rights and in
fact illegal, and which have been characterized as chemical war of governments
against their Citizens, according to UN resolution (No. 2603/16121969 but also
the 1993 Paris Convention which was also ratified by Greece by means of Law
2254/1994 which forbids the use of chemical gases extensively used by Greek
Police during demonstrations, as they carry serious dangers for the public
health (evidence 51). In particular, both myself as well as my daughter Miss
Tanya-Maria Yeritsidou, have taken part and demonstrated peacefully and despite
that we were attacked by police using chemicals and we were forbidden access
even to the Monument of the Unknown Soldier, although we showed our IDs and
stated that we did not wish to engage in any mischief. Let it also be known in
any case that (during the demonstration of February 23rd which we attended as
well as the demonstration of September 22nd 2010) the men of anti-riot police
units did not carry recognizable numbers on their uniforms, and although we
spoke to them asking them to let us through, they ignored us and did not respond
to us. Finally, before us, but also as usually practised and published in the
newspaper, on September 23rd 2011 outside the Parliament and around the area of
the Monument of Unknown Soldier and about 3:00 pm, when, in front of the eyes of
the anti-riot police units, unknown persons attempted to burn the Greek Flag,
the Holiest of all of our National Symbols (encroachment of article 181 of Penal
Code), the men of the anti-riot police units, in transgression of their Oath (‘I
swear…allegiance to the flag and to guard and defend it faithfully up until the
last drop of my blood. Not to abandon the Flags, nor distance myself from
them…’) and as police officers, they did nothing to protect and safeguard the
Flag, and only my daughter had to grab the burning flag and put its fire out
with her bare hands (article 1a and 7, Police Force Code of Conduct, P.D.
254/2004) (evidence 52 and I reserve the right to furnish further evidence
should the prosecutor wishes me to).
Based on the above, we reach the conclusion that particular riot police units
are under strict orders and Government directives not to be concerned about the
lawful adherence to the Laws and the Constitution (which, would have forced them
to protect the Flag and not to obstruct the access of non-violent Citizens) but
only to occupy themselves with the suppression of the exercise of the Right to
Demonstrate and terrorizing the demonstrating Citizens via use of violence and
chemicals. Indicatively, I refer to the fact that the adverse effect of these
chemicals on the eyes and respiratory system held for 48 hours after being
attacked with the said chemicals in the particular day and time of the
demonstration.
Additionally, and as further corroborative evidence of the anti-constitutional,
anti-democratic, illegal and completely terrorizing acts of the anti-riot police
units, acting under orders by the Prime-minister and his Government, I refer to
the case of chemical attack against Mr Manolis Glezos, who was elderly and a
clear symbol of the Patriotic resistance activity of the Greeks (evidence 53).
So, this Government under G.A. Papandreou exercises violence which is not
condoned or legalized by the Constitution and which practice aims at violently
eradicating essential Institutions of our Democracy and obstructing Citizens
from exercising these rights, seeking clearly to obstruct the normal Democratic
process and render it inactive, since it systematically and blatantly ignores
(evidence…) every such mass demonstration by the Sovereign People and actively
seeks to suppress and obstruct the People fro the lawful exercise of its own
Constitutional Power via violence or threats to violence (encroachment of
article 134 of the Penal Code).
In other words, the Prime-minister exercises violence to remain in power and to
continue implementing a policy which is totally disapproved of by the Sovereign
Greek People and which policy is being reacted upon by the People, who never
gave the Prime-minister the political mandate via the pertinent elections or
pertinent Referendum to exercise such policy (evidence 7, 12, 13, 14 and 15).
These practices of the Prime-minister, constitute grounds for actual default
from his Democratic office, according to International Law (evidence ….).
In fact this Government under G.A. Papandreou, is executing consistently and
remorselessly precisely what the UN International Justice Committee stipulates
as expressly forbidden to implement to serve whatever national debt:
Under the supervision of the Minister of education, schools are closing under
the pretext of centralization, burdening heavily the work of the educators who
now must make do with huge classes, regardless of learning levels or other
student specifications, regardless of students’ secure and economical access to
schools, or of the adverse effects this centralization (which are a result of
state efforts to cut public funding) might have on the quality of luife of
students, their families and of their teachers. Also the subjects of religion
and Greek language are taught in such a way that they subvert our National and
religious identity, also against the mandates contained in the Constitution.
Under the supervision of the Minister of Health, the once free medicare system
has now shifted to one on a paying basis while medication is offered to the
Citizens only if they can financially participate in it or shoulder solely of
all the cost. Also mergers of hospitals take place without any provision for
the cover of the medicare needs of the Citizens. Under the supervision of the
Minister of Work, there is annulment and lifting of collective work agreements
and protective provisions for the workers and employees, work becomes elastic
and there are pay and wage cutbacks but also benefit cutbacks and every
protective clause regarding redundancy and unilateral ending of work contracts.
Thus, a medieval work ethic is established which secures for a particular group
of employers (as this is strictly defined in the Memorandum) a state of serfdom
for their employees. Pensions are no longer commensurate to the social security
dues paid to by the insured, neither does this pension cover their basic
livelihood needs. Under the supervision of the pertinent Ministers, there will
be a summative undoing of public services which will become privatized, even
those of the Public Utility Companies which provide vital goods, such as running
water and power (evidence 39 and 41). Basic infrastructure is being appropriated
(ranging from highways to airports) targeting only the repayment of the debtors
(evidence 49). Finally, under the supervision of the pertinent Ministers, the
very State security is set in jeopardy as much due to incomplete or faulty
education, training and support of the Greek Police Force, the Greek Army
(evidence…) as due to a regime of impunity and lawlessness surrounding the
actions of illegal immigrants and illegal merchants who, beyond their role in
causing increasing crime, they also cause great loss of income as much to Greek
businessmen as to the State (evidence 41).
In any case, and as it is shown by the unceasing demonstrations, strikes and
protests and the subnormal social state of society, the Prime-Minister and his
Government, as they themselves admit to and guarantee repayment to the debtors
and creditors and other foreigners, are systematically pushing Greek society
into the chaos and anarchy.
In any case they have by now long exceeded and taken advantage of their power
while they continue to exhibit unprecedented effrontery and aloofness not only
towards the Constitution of Greece which they have sworn to serve and uphold but
also towards every clause of International Justice and Human Rights.
Also, this Government and its Prime-Minister habitually are guilty of crimes
against elections because of threat and indirect bribing they are forcing MPs
not to vote by conscience but according to the Government directives, as they
continually threaten the MPs with exclusion from the party and with general
default of their office if they do in fact vote by conscience. They succeed in
doing this by threatening them with general elections and disbanding of the
parliament every time there is danger that the Parliament will not ratify and
instead reject a law plan proposed by the Government. This is because MPs are
among the few groups of Greek Citizens who enjoy particular privileges while
their pay is particularly high amongst them. Therefore a threat to prematurely
disband Parliament as a form of punishment for non-compliance to the will of the
Government will result in a great loss of these privileges of the MPs and
failure in securing privileged pensions.
This practice of enforcing the Parliament to vote by majority compliant to the
will of the Government, divests the Parliament of its right to exercise
authority provided by the Constitution and forces it to execute acts accruing
from such authority as a result of blackmail, which constitutes also
encroachment of articles 134, par 2 of the Penal Code (evidence 54).
BECAUSE the Government and the Prime-minister, on proof and adequate
corroborative evidence have committed the above-mentioned crimes in actual and
clearly specified times and places (indicatively and not restrictively, evidence
55)
BECAUSE they have committed and continue committing , and hence suggesting their
will and intent to continue in the near future to commit serially the crimes of
High Treason, deceit of the electoral body as well as a multitude of
perpetrating acts of High Treason, jeopardizing of international peace and the
peace of the Country, leaking classified State data and information to the
press, embezzlement of public mandate, causing offence to the symbols of the
Greek State, continuous terrorizing of the Citizens to effect interference and
manipulation on their electoral choice and behaviour from the parliamentary
voting sessions to the voting of the Citizens, as has been described in detail
above in definitive and indicative but not restrictive places and time of
committal of the above extremely dangerous for the welfare of the Country acts
BECAUSE the crime of High Treason is a permanent crime which incurs automatic
persecution without the need for the permission of the Parliament for due
process to occur and initiate proceedings by the pertinent courts
BECAUSE the above accused have in writing and consciously undersigned documents
and attested to their intent to proceed with partial or total dissolution of
National Sovereignty in the absence of Constitutionally enforced conditions and
terms
BECAUSE in any case they have encroached on rules, regulations and laws
stipulated by International Law that constitute crimes against the Greek People,
and therefore at the level of genocide.
BECAUSE deceit and fraud is apparent and corroborated with undeniable and
unshakable documentation and testimonies / documents of international scope
BECAUSE through their acts, a multiple set of benefits on behalf and on the
behest of foreign and local third parties, either physical of legal entities,
and at the expense of the State National and Popular integrity, viability and
essential Freedom and self-determination
I ASK FORthe just punishment of all the above-mentioned accused as well as of any other
additional abettor / collaborator / physical or moral perpetrator who may be
produced during the proceedings.
I declare that I will stand as Civil Action and I reserve all of my legal rights
Olga George Yeritsidou
Athens, 22 March 2011
Evidence:
1. simple photocopy of OUT-OF-COURT DECLARATION-COMPLAINT-PETITION of 26thof June 2008, serving receipt B-3053/27-6-2008
2. simple photocopy of OUT-OF-COURT DECLARATION-COMPLAINT-PETITION of 26th
of June 2008, serving receipt Β- 3052/27-6-2008
3. simple photocopy of OUT-OF-COURT DECLARATION-COMPLAINT-PETITION of 26th
of June 2008, serving receipt Β-3051/27-6-2008
4. simple photocopy of Acknowledgement of communication by post to
Ministers of the 27-6-2008 Out-of Court Declaration under the directive of
the president of the Parliament serial no, 2769/11-7-2008
5. simple photocopy of petition by Olga G. Yeritsidou to the Preseident of
Parliament serial no, 3193/29-6-2009
6. simple photocopy of Acknowledgement of communication by post to
Ministers of the 27-6-2008 Out-of Court Declaration under the directive of
the president of the Parliament serial no, 3193/6-7-2009
7. Interview of George A. Papandreou on 3/6/2009, in web tv ‘tvxs.gr’ and
to the journalist Stelios Kouloglou, date of publication: 04/06/2009 17:31
in the web cite
http://www.pasok.gr/portal/resource/contentObject/id/20d17616-9c95-49c1-a214-d11080a6976f#
8. simple photocopy of registered mail DOOR TO DOOR receiptΡΡ268078817GR,with the title ‘OFFICIAL APPEAL FOR ACTUAL STANCE’ to the
leaders of the Greek Political Parties of the Opposition
9. simple photocopy of registered mail DOOR TO DOOR receipt
ΡΡ2680785GR,with the title ‘OFFICIAL APPEAL FOR ACTUAL STANCE’ to the
leaders of the Greek Political Parties of the Opposition
10. simple photocopy of registered mail DOOR TO DOOR receipt
ΡΡ268078794GR,with the title ‘OFFICIAL APPEAL FOR ACTUAL STANCE’ to the
leaders of the Greek Political Parties of the Opposition
11. simple photocopy of registered mail DOOR TO DOOR receipt
ΡΡ268078803GR,with the title ‘OFFICIAL APPEAL FOR ACTUAL STANCE’ to the
leaders of the Greek Political Parties of the Opposition
12. Pre-election speech of G.A.P. in Patras on 2/10.2009
13. Interview of G.A.Papandreou in the Naftemporiki newspaper and to the
journalist Dimitris Hadjidemitriou
14. debate of 29/5/2009 in the PASOK web cite
http://www.pasok.gr/portal/resource/contentObject/id/acf04850-7e5d-4637-a71e-464d234a5ec6
15. articles from ‘Kyriakatiki Eleftherotypia , printed edition byThanasis Tegopoulos
16. simple photocopy of PERSONAL LETTER-PETITION serial no. DOOR TO DOOR
postal receipt PP275427362GR/4-11-2009
17. simple photocopy of PERSONAL LETTER-QUESTION serial no. of OUT OF
COURT SERVING No 323Β/6-11-2009 by Olga G. Yeritsidou and Tanya-Maria
Yeritsidou
18. simple photocopy from Court injuction petition GAK ΓΑΚ103595/2010 and
ΑΚD 8762/2010 PETITION
19. simple photocopy of NOTIFICATION by George Papandreou of Andrew,
Political Office of the Prime-minister against Olga Geritsidou of George
(procedure for court injunction)
20. simple photocopy of court decision 252/2011 (Single member First
Degree Court of Athens (procedure for court injunction)
21. Informative note: the result of the economic policy of NDP 2004-2008.
Reality against the ‘truths’, of NDP, mass media and press sector, PASOK,
economy sector in cooperation with ISTAME ‘Andreas Papanadreou’, May 2009
22. Excerpts from George Papandreou’s interview at Zapeion regarding the
work of his government during the first 100 days, tvxsteam, Thursday
14/01/2010, 10:48
23. Discontent in Government by Provopoulos’s statements ΣχόλιαNewstime
NewsDesk, 25 Νοv, 17:55
24. Provopoulos: I had warned about a double-digit deficit ΣχόλιαNewstime
NewsDesk, 24 Νοv, 23:06
25. New ‘panic’ in government by Stross Cann’s statements, electronic
edition enet.gr, 15:40 Sunday 20 February 2011
26. Stross Cann : « G. Papandreou had asked for IMF intervention in 2009»,
Isotimia, Monday, 21 February 2011-08:13:15
27. 2009national election debate: Karamanlis vs Papanadreou
http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=PWfX4WwI4RM&feature=related
28. Statements by S.Sakorafa ‘it was pre-planned to be led to the
Memorandum’ in J. Pretenderis’s show Anatropi , part C 14.3.2011, Mega
Channel
http://www.megatv.com/anatropi/default.asp?catid=18183&subid=2&pubid=25284758&mmid=352804
29. ‘The Government on the realization of agreements with EU-IMF: Itbypasses even the Parliament, Rizospastis 8 May, 2010
30. ‘the 130 Memorandum pages are in fact 1300, BlognewsGreece, 5 July
2010
31. Petslnikos’s reactions to the anti-Greek publications, ΣΚΑΪ.gr,
22/02/2010, 23:26
32. reprint of article in Imerisia on the web cite ΕΘΝΙΚΑΘΕΜΑΤΑ–
ΕΛΛΑΔΑ, of Sunday 13 March 2011
33. article from ΤΑΝΕΑonline by George C. Papachristou, Wed 7 April 2010
34. ‘sreading the gap of sreads after statements by G. Papakonstantinou,
ΕΜΕΑBUSINESSMONITOR, of Tuesday 02 February 2010, 14:58
35. article ‘Unfortunately…we went backrupt’ Pontiki 30/12/2010
36. article: the para-Constitution of the Memorandum and the other way’ by
G. Katrougalos, professor, University of Thessaloniki, lawyer, published in
the Nomikon Vima, February 2011.
37. Show: Antitheseis – Kazakis – 4 Mar 11,
http://www.blip.tv/file/4849073?utm_source=player_embedded
1. Press Release by the Economic Sector of PASOK, Support Mechanism and
IMF, Press Sector and mass media, Thursday 6 May 2010
2. 2010 International Monetary Fund May 2010, IMF Country Report No.10/111Greece: Request for Stand-By Arrangement
3. Report by Argyro P. Tsatsoulis on the file Poverty: A uniquely-featured
third world is born in Greece, in.gr News
4. State Budget 2011: The position of the Economic Chamber of Greece,
December 2010
5. article by E. Venizelos, ‘The constitution, the crisis and the
democratic party’ on the web cite aixmi.gr
6. Memorandum against the Constitution, Justice’ by Ioanna mandrou and
Konstantine Zoulas, Katjhimerini